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CORPORATE
GREED |
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The
Center For American Progress Action Fund
THE
PROGRESS REPORT
ECONOMY
-- EXXON MOBIL SET TO ANNOUNCE RECORD PROFITS: With oil
prices just down from their
all-time high and many analysts fearing
a
recession,
Exxon Mobil is planning to announce next week that it has broken its own
record for "the
most money ever made by a company in U.S. history." Exxon Mobil, the
world's largest oil company, is expected to rack in over $39 billion in 2007
profits, "which breaks down to the company earning
about $75,000 a minute." Exxon Mobil is by no means the only oil
behemoth to turn high oil prices into record profits. Earlier this week,
ConocoPhillips announced a 37 percent increase in fourth-quarter profit,
"even as the third-largest
U.S.
oil company produced
less crude and natural gas than a year earlier." Fourth-quarter oil
prices were over 50 percent higher than a year ago, "prompting forecasts
for more eye-popping earnings from oil majors."
Sent
By: Jim Coleman
USW
Communications Department
5
Gateway Center, #802
Pittsburgh,
PA
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| September 2006 |
In 2005, the average CEO of a
Standard & Poor's 500 company received $11.75 million in total
compensation, according to a preliminary analysis by The Corporate
Library. This represents a 3.66 percent increase in CEO pay over 2004.
A reasonable and fair
compensation system for executives and workers is fundamental to the
creation of long-term corporate value. However, the past two decades
have seen an unprecedented growth in compensation only for top
executives and a dramatic increase in the ratio between the
compensation of executives and their employees.

Boards of directors are
responsible for setting CEO pay. Too often, directors have awarded
compensation packages that go well beyond what is required to attract
and retain executives and have rewarded even poorly performing CEOs.
These executive pay excesses come at the expense of shareholders as
well as the company and its employees.
Excessive CEO pay takes
dollars out of the pockets of shareholders—including the retirement
savings of America’s working families. Moreover, a poorly designed
executive compensation package can reward decisions that are not in
the long-term interests of a company, its shareholders and employees.
For example, recent scholarly
studies have linked CEO stock options to accounting fraud and other
financial restatements.
Stock option grants promise executives all the benefit of share price
increases with none of the risk of share price declines. For this
reason, stock options can serve as powerful incentive for executives
to cook the books.
Some CEOs may have far
greater control over their pay than anybody previously suspected.
According to new research, certain CEOs may be backdating their own
stock option grants to maximize their value. According to The Wall
Street Journal, “Year after year, some companies’ top
executives received options on unusually propitious dates.”
Excessive CEO pay is
fundamentally a corporate governance problem. When CEOs have too much
power in the boardroom, they are able to extract what economists’
call “economic rents” from shareholders—the equivalent of
monopoly profits. These rents are known as “agency costs,” and
arise from the separation of ownership and control.
The board of directors is
supposed to protect shareholder interests and minimize these agency
costs. However, at approximately two-thirds of companies, the CEO is
the board’s chair. When one single person serves as both chair and
CEO, it is impossible to objectively monitor and
evaluate his or her own performance.
CEOs
also dominate the election of directors. The vast majority of
directors are hand-picked by incumbent management. Because of the
proxy rules, it is cost prohibitive for shareholders to run their own
director candidates. Moreover, even if a majority of shareholders
withhold support from directors, they are still elected to the board
at most companies.
Ultimately, shareholders have
to be able to trust their boards of directors to set responsible CEO
pay packages. For this reason, CEO pay will be reformed only when
corporate boards are made more accountable. Until then, CEOs will
continue to influence the size and form of their own compensation, and
CEO pay will continue to rise.
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| September 10, 2006 |
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Sunlight
often is the best disinfectant when it comes to curbing abuses of
executive compensation. Although companies are required to file
documents describing their executives’ compensation with the U.S.
Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), these often are difficult
for shareholders to understand. In recent CEO pay scandals, even
boards of directors have claimed they were kept in the dark.
As
executive pay continues to spiral upward, the SEC is considering
updating and improving its pay disclosure rules. Unless an executive
compensation consultant is hired to crunch the numbers, it is nearly
impossible for investors to determine how much their executives are
paid. For example, CEO pension benefits are poorly disclosed under the
current rules, and CEOs take advantage of that fact to fatten their
retirement pay.
The
SEC is proposing new CEO pay disclosure rules in the first rule update
since 1992. The SEC proposal will require companies to disclose
executive compensation data in “plain English.” In addition, for
the first time companies will be required to provide a dollar estimate
of their executive’s pension benefits, as well as a “grand
total” compensation figure. These changes will go a long way to make
CEO pay more transparent and clear.
The
SEC can and should go further in its proposed rule making. The biggest
concern of investors is that CEO pay is not linked to performance.
However, the proposed SEC rule does not require companies to disclose
performance targets. Instead, companies can avoid telling their
shareholders this information for “competitive reasons.” This lack
of disclosure is unfair to shareholders, who, as the company owners,
have a right to know.
By setting a new standard in how compensation is reported, the SEC
can help investors better compare executive pay with company
performance. But until the SEC requires companies to disclose the
numerical targets that CEOs are being measured against, the executive
compensation system will continue to be a “black box.” Executive
pay reform will only happen when shareholders are allowed to see how
CEO pay is set.
.
L. Pendleton
Siegel
Chief Executive Officer
Potlatch Corporation
In 2005, L. Pendleton Siegel raked in $1,106,602 in total
compensation including stock option grants* from Potlatch Corporation.
From previous years' stock option grants, the Potlatch Corporation
executive cashed out $1,584,734 in stock option exercises.
And L. Pendleton Siegel has another $2,090,659 in unexercised stock
options from previous years.
How
You Compare to Your CEO
These values are calculated with
an annual salary of $39,000
L.
Pendleton Siegel's compensation could support 28 workers earning your
salary.
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You would have to work 28 years to equal L. Pendleton Siegel's
2005 compensation.
You'd better get working, because you can't take
a vacation until 2034 A.D.
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See
How Other Workers Compare to Your CEO
How many workers could be supported by L.
Pendleton Siegel's $1,106,602 pay package?
1 Nobel prize winners
3 average university presidents
2 U.S. presidents
4 AFL-CIO presidents
10 Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
43 average workers
103 minimum-wage earners
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How
long would it take to equal L. Pendleton Siegel's total compensation
for 2005?
A Nobel prize winner would have to work until 2007 A.D.
An average university president would have to work until 2009 A.D.
The President of the United States would have to work until 2008 A.D.
AFL-CIO President John Sweeney would have to work until 2010 A.D.
The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff would have to work until
2016 A.D.
An average worker would have to work until 2049 A.D.
A minimum-wage earner would have to work until 2109 A.D. |
| PayWatch Fact Sheet
L. Pendleton Siegel
Chief Executive Officer
Potlatch Corporation |
| 2005 Compensation |
| Salary |
$645,050 |
| Bonus |
$397,500 |
| Long-Term Incentive Payoffs |
$0 |
| Restricted Stock Awards |
$0 |
| Other Compensation |
$64,052 |
| Value of Stock Option Grants* |
$0 |
Total 2005 Compensation Plus Stock Option
Grants
|
$1,106,602
|
| Compensation from Prior Stock Option
Grants** |
| Value of Options Exercised in 2005 |
$1,584,734 |
| Value of Exercisable Options |
$2,090,659 |
| Value of Unexercisable Options |
$0 |
| * |
Black
Scholes present value model as estimated by The Corporate Library. |
| ** |
Not
counted in 2005 compensation totals. |
| Source: |
The
Corporate Library |
| CEO-to-Worker
Comparisons |
|
Annual |
Weekly |
Daily |
Hourly |
Per
Minute |
| L. Pendleton Siegel |
$1,106,602 |
$21,280 |
$4,256 |
$532 |
$8 |
| Minimum-Wage Worker |
$10,712 |
$206 |
$41 |
$5.15 |
$0.09 |
| Average Worker |
$25,501 |
$490 |
$98 |
$12.26 |
$0.20 |
| President of the U.S.A. |
$400,000 |
$7,692 |
$1,538 |
$192 |
$3.21 |
| How Many Years to
Equal L. Pendleton Siegel's 2005 Compensation? |
| Minimum-Wage Worker |
103 years |
Completion Date |
2109 A.D. |
| Average Worker |
43 years |
Completion Date |
2049 A.D. |
| President of the U.S.A. |
5 years |
Completion Date |
2011 A.D. |
| How Many Workers Equal
L. Pendleton Siegel's Compensation? |
| Minimum-Wage Worker |
103 workers |
| Average Worker |
43 workers |
| President of the U.S.A. |
5 presidents |
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The
CEO Shopping Cart
In 2005, L. Pendleton Siegel bagged
$1,106,602 at Potlatch Corporation. Here's what L. Pendleton Siegel
could buy if he went on a shopping spree...
- Health insurance for 537 uninsured workers.
- Day care for one year for 272 working mothers.
- 42 average workers could upgrade their
part-time
jobs with no benefits to full-time jobs with benefits.
- 967 workers could be enrolled in pension plans.
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Source: The
Corporate Library
* Black Scholes present value model as estimated by The Corporate
Library or as reported in the company's proxy statement.
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June 27, 2006
FROM THE UNITED STEELWORKERS PRESS
ASSOCIATION
The Labor Department’s Anti-Worker Agenda
Now that the ties between the Bush administration’s Department of Labor and the anti-worker Center for Union Facts have been established, let’s take a look at the Labor Department’s original mission and compare it with its current operations.
On Thursday, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) posted 108 pages of documents it received through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request that showed the Labor Department’s “supportive” ties with Berman.
U.S. employers never liked the nation’s Department of Labor. And they liked it a lot less when it reached cabinet-level status in 1913, which indicated to Big Business that workers for the first time had a voice in government.
And after all, that was the point. Employers had all the money and means to dictate at the workplace. Shouldn’t workers have an advocate as well?
But as Jordan over at Confined Space points out, the Bush administration has distorted the original goal of the department.
In the words of the organic act establishing the Department of Labor, its main purpose is “to foster, promote and develop the welfare of working people, to improve their working conditions, and to advance their opportunities for profitable employment.” (From the Official History of the U.S. Department of Labor.)
Now, Jordan writes, the mission more accurately should be rewritten as follows:
In the words of the organic act establishing the Department of Labor, its main purpose is “to foster, promote and develop the welfare of working people corporate America, to improve their working conditions ability to stay union free, and to advance their opportunities for profitable employment.”
As Ed Sills at the Texas AFL-CIO points out:
The National Labor Relations Act states in its preamble that it is the
national policy of the U.S. to encourage collective bargaining. Now there is
proof that the U.S. Department of Labor does not encourage collective
bargaining and is consorting with those who would destroy it.
Richard Berman, whose projects have included slamming Mothers Against Drunk Driving in a vicious campaign on behalf of the alcohol industry, launched the center in February. For his latest industry front group, Berman has launched a website that purports to show the “facts” on unions but instead provides twisted distortions.
Berman is spending his multimillion budget on full-page anti-union ads published in The New York Times, The Washington Post and other newspapers. Berman also has taken out TV ads in local markets where actors dressed as workers attack unions, but those ads ceased airing after CREW contacted stations to point out their falsehoods.
Berman huffs and puffs about union “transparency,” neglecting to mention that only 10 percent of corporations file some financial information with the Federal Election Commission. Meanwhile, all unions are required to file their financial information with the Labor Department, where it is publicly available. But Berman isn’t saying who’s funding his organization, which sources say has an $8 million bankroll. But it’s clear there a political agenda. And it isn’t in favor of working families.
Leo Casey on EdWize notes CREW’s FOIA documents show
…considerable supporting evidence for the thesis that the Bush administration and its corporate bank-rollers have targeted teacher unions for political reasons, on the theory that weakened teacher unions would mean a weakened Democratic coalition.
by Tula Connell
tags: Richard Berman, Center for Union Facts, National Labor Relations Act, Department of Labor, Bush, bargaining, freedom to form unions |
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| This
page contains news articles that illustrate the new "Industry
Standard": 'Corporate Greed' |
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Workers
On the Slag Heap of History
By
David Sirota - Daily News - Philladephia
http://www.philly.com/mld/dailynews/news/opinion/14174641.htm
IN
AGES PAST, cities in wealthy nations greeted visitors with gold-plated
lions at their gates.
But today, in
America
, the richest country on earth, the gates of many towns welcome
visitors with abandoned factories. And the communities these factories
flank tell you more about what's really destroying
America
than any Wall Street analyst or
Washington
policy wonk ever could.
Since leaving the
Philadelphia
area, I've learned firsthand that these Anytown, USAs are everywhere
- not just on the East Coast. One of them can be found by driving
north through the shimmering cattle pastures on Montana Route 12,
right near where I now live. There, you'll be welcomed to
East Helena
by two defunct gray smokestacks rising from giant black mounds of
what looks like spent coffee grounds, but is in reality industrial
slag.
The towers, piercing an otherwise pristine
Rocky
Mountain
vista, tell a story being told throughout
America
- a story not just of abandonment but of legalized theft afflicting
both urban centers, and yes, small-town outposts.
East
Helena
's plant was once
a lead smelter, owned by Asarco.
In 1999, the company was bought by Grupo
Mexico
. That international conglomerate is headed by Larrea Mota-Velasco,
listed as a billionaire by /Forbes/ magazine's "The World's
Richest People" in 2001. Within two years of the takeover, Grupo
Mexico
shut the smelter down, costing
East Helena
more than 200 jobs.
If the story ended there, it would be just another tale about
the brutal consequences of globalization on blue-collar
America
. But what happened after is what should instill fear in millions of
workers, urban or rural, blue or white collar.
In 2003, the company hiked health-care premiums for retirees.
Executives claimed the company was under financial duress and that it
thus "reserves the right to amend or terminate the plans at any
time for any reason... even after you retire."
Retirees were forced to accept the increases while a lawsuit
dragged into 2004. That was the same year Asarco's corporate parent
reported more than a quarter-billion in profits in the fourth quarter
alone - yet the company refused to back down.
Last year and this year, it has been more of the same. The
company began delaying disability checks to retirees, property tax
payments to the budget-strapped
East Helena
schools and cleanup operations at the smelter.
Meanwhile, according to the Associated Press, the company
pressed a three-year wage freeze and reductions in pension and medical
benefits for its workers in
Arizona
. These moves came as Grupo
Mexico
reported profits of more than $1 billion in 2005.
"The community worked really hard to understand and deal
with the layoffs," said Bob Pyfer, 56, who grew up in
East Helena
. "But when you hear about those profits and the company's
treatment of its retirees, it just makes you angry."
Pyfer's grandfather came to East Helena from
Slovenia
in the 1920s for a job at the smelter, where he worked for 40 years.
Pyfer grew up working summers at the smelter, too. Now a lawyer, he
sees a disturbing trend that goes way beyond one hamlet.
"These workers, like others all over, gave their lives to
their company and they incurred serious health risks along the
way," he said. "That means, at the very least, these
companies shouldn't be able to use bankruptcy or reorganization to get
out of what it owes to their workers." Being allowed to do that,
he said, is "a serious concern whether you live in
East Helena
or not."
These reverse Robin Hood tactics are everywhere. At both
Delphi
and United Airlines, executives have used bankruptcy to enact massive
cuts in wages and pensions - while cementing millions of dollars worth
of new bonuses for themselves.
Similarly, GM and Ford are demanding wage and benefit cuts. But,
as /BusinessWeek /reported in June 2005, "both GM and Ford still
pay a dividend, GM CEO G. Richard Wagoner Jr. got a $2.5 million bonus
for 2004 on top of his $2.2 million in salary" and "both
companies have huge cash hoards - $20 billion at GM and $23 billion at
Ford."
True, these companies have problems. But they are using those
problems as an excuse to bilk workers and enrich themselves - and our
government is doing nothing to stop them.
In the 1980s, audiences watching Oliver Stone's "Wall
Street" often cheered Michael Douglas's famous "greed is
good" speech. After Enron, we stopped cheering, and lawmakers
promised to stop corporate abuse. We now know those promises were
lies.
Congress passed class-action "reform" limiting
citizens' capacity to fight back against corporate abuse in court,
budgets cutting services for displaced workers and a bankruptcy bill
allowing courts to rubber-stamp companies' rip-off schemes. Meanwhile,
in a recent /Wall Street Journal/ story about pension cuts, the Labor
Department said retirees "aren't our constituents anymore."
So, while
East Helena
, its rotting Asarco plant and its mistreated retirees may seem far
away or isolated, the town's tale is not as distant as you think.
Unless our government starts outlawing these heists and forcing
profitable multinationals to fulfill their promises to workers,
East Helena
's story may soon be coming to a community near you.
David
Sirota, a Philadelphia-area native who now lives in
Helena
,
Mont.
, is the author of the upcoming "Hostile Takeover" (Crown)
about how corporate interests distort public policy.
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