McCain
gave a speech on his health care plan yesterday which said very
little. In this NY Times article,
McCain's economic advisor Holtz-Eakin makes it clear that their
political strategy is to avoid getting tied down on any details, so
that the glaring flaws in the plan won't be quite so obvious.
Let's start with the one hard proposal McCain has made: he
would tax employer-sponsored health insurance and create new tax
credits--$5000 for a family and $2500 for an individual--for people
who buy their own insurance.
As Holtz-Eakin made clear in the talk
I attended last month, this means that workers would have to pay taxes
on the value of health benefits they received from employers. This is
explicitly an attempt to kill the existing system of employer-provided
care by dramatically increasing taxes on workers.
How would this work out for the typical worker? Consider this
information from the most recent Kaiser Family Foundation study
of health care costs:
In
2007, for a family the average total premium for a health care plan
was $12,106, with $8824 paid by the employer. Let's say the McCain
plan is enacted. What would happen to that average family if the
employer continued to provide coverage (Scenario 1)? For a married
couple filing jointly with income $63K-128K, the marginal tax rate is
25%, so they would face a tax
increase of $2406
(25%
of $8824).
But of course the intent of the McCain plan is to kill the
employer-provided system. So let's say the McCain program is adopted
and your employer drops your family's coverage (Scenario 2). What
would happen? You would now have to foot the complete $12,106 bill for
coverage, a $8825 increase over the employee-portion you're currently
paying. This would be offset by a $5000 tax credit.
So net, you would end up paying $3325 ($8825-$5000) more for your
health care.
So,
remarkably, McCain has managed to design a heads-you-lose,
tails-you-lose program. Either your employer keeps your coverage, in
which case you face a huge tax increase. Or your employer drops your
coverage, and you face an even more massive increase in your
out-of-pocket health-care costs.
The best-case scenario would be that employers who dropped coverage
would then increase wages, compensating workers for the jump in what
they have to pay for health care. In the long-run, there's a fair case
to be made that this would happen, but as Keynes famously remarked,
"In the long run, we're all dead," and the transition period
would be extremely painful.
Strangely, although the plan is plainly an attempt to deep-six the
employer-provided system, according to the NY Time article, "Mr.
Holtz-Eakin said he believed that many employers would still offer
health insurance to try to attract the best workers ..." If
that's right, these workers would face a huge jump in their tax bill
(see Scenario 1 above).
None of this gets to the key problem in McCain's plan: on the
individual market, people with pre-existing conditions would be denied
coverage. Here's the relevant part of the Times article:
Mr.
McCain had previously described aspects of his health care plan but on
Tuesday offered new details on how to cover people with existing
health problems, in a nod to the growing concerns about the
difficulties that many sick, older and low-income people have getting
insurance.
Elizabeth
Edwards ... recently pointed out that both she and Mr. McCain could be
left uncovered by Mr. McCain’s plan because she has cancer and he
has had melanoma. Stung by such criticism, Mr. McCain is trying to
develop a way to cover people with health problems while still taking
a generally market-based approach to solving the health care crisis.
“I’ll
work tirelessly to address the problem,” Mr. McCain said in a speech
here at the H. Lee Moffitt Cancer Center & Research Institute.
“But I won’t create another entitlement program that Washington
will let get out of control. I won’t do it. Nor will I saddle states
with another unfunded mandate.”
For
people who currently get health insurance through their jobs, Mr.
McCain’s plan would give them a tax credit that they could put
toward buying a different, and potentially less expensive, health
insurance plan tailored to their needs — and allow them to keep that
health plan, and their doctors, even if they switch or lose their
jobs.
But
Democrats and some experts said the proposal might lead some employers
to stop offering health insurance, and questioned whether the tax
credit would cover the cost of private insurance ....
Mr.
McCain’s speech here implicitly acknowledged some of the
shortcomings of his free-market approach. But rather than force
insurers to stop cherry-picking the healthiest — and least expensive
— patients, Mr. McCain proposed that the federal government work
with states to cover those who cannot find insurance on the open
market. With federal financial assistance, his plan would encourage
states to create high-risk pools that would contract with insurers to
cover consumers who have been rejected on the open market.
Mr.
McCain was vague Tuesday about just how his safety net would be
structured, and did not specify how much it might cost, leaving the
details to negotiations with Congress and the states. But his top
domestic policy adviser, Douglas Holtz-Eakin, said in an interview
that the federal share could cost between $7 billion and $10 billion
— money he said could be redirected from existing federal programs
that pay for uncompensated medical care, mainly in hospitals.
Mr.
Holtz-Eakin said that sum, when combined with contributions expected
from the states and insurers, could provide coverage for the five
million to seven million uninsured people that he estimates cannot
obtain it because of their health or age.
These
figures are nonsense on their face. If the federal government is going
to subsidize a high-risk pool of 5-7 million people with $7-10 billion
a year, the proposed subsidy is $1400 year. There is no way to this is
going to be anywhere close to covering the extra insurance costs for a
group that consists of old and sick people. Although McCain
intentionally leaves out the details, the only place these extra funds
could come from is from the states. In other words, although McCain
says, "Nor will I saddle states with another unfunded mandate,”
this is exactly what his plan would do.
Additionally, the 5-7 million is surely a vast underestimate of the
number of people who would not be able to obtain health insurance in
McCain-land. Anyone old, sick, or with a prior condition--a number
that would easily be in the several tens of millions--would not be
able to obtain insurance at anything other than obscene rates. Faced
with no restrictions, insurers would cherry pick only the low-risk
customers.
Overall,
the McCain plan would raise taxes on workers in an effort to
eviscerate the current health care system in the name of free market
idolatry. To the extent it fails to completely destroy the existing
system--as McCain's advisor anticipates--it would saddle the average
family with $2400 in extra taxes to penalize them for having
employer-sponsored care. And if the McCain plan succeeded in killing
the current system, it would leave tens of millions unable to buy any
care, until he comes up with some new safety net, details to be
provided later, i.e. never.