ABOUT US NOW:  We are a Two United Steelworkers Locals working at the Same Company site, Clearwater Paper Corporation.  (‘spun-off' from the former Potlatch Forest Corporation that started its pulp and paper division here over 100 years ago.)

     Local 608 consists of Paper Making/Converting laborers who work a 12-on/12-off~4-on/4-off work schedule.

     Local 712 consists of a group of maintenance workers who can do it all.  Millwrights, Welders, Carpenters/Painters, Pipefitters who work normally an 8 hour day, with some shift workers.

      (IBEW Local 73 rounds out the maintenance world here with Electricians and Instrument Technicians.)

 
   We work in Nez Perce County just outside Lewiston, Idaho along the Clearwater River.  Roughly 1,000 Union Sisters and Brothers work side-by-side to produce.......Paper board, Paper Pulp, Extruded Paper Board, Consumer Tissue Products such as Picnic Napkins, Dinner/Lunch Napkins, Paper Towels, Facial Tissue and Bathroom Tissue.  

We do it all here, from making the pulp for the various paper lines to turning it into paper boards and tissue papers, then into marketable products you might see every day.  Most Items carry the customers name on it.   From Milk and Frozen food carton stock to cigarette carton and drink box stock for many US and International producers.  Brand name Tissue Paper products for many large and small grocery and variety store chains across this great nation of ours.

We currently are in agreement with our employers with a labor contract that is binding through 2010.

 

We are made up of different Union Affiliations such as:

IWNA

AIW

OCAW

UPIU

PACE

USWA/USW MERGED TO BECOME:  THE UNITED STEELWORKERS (USW)

 
IWNA HISTORY >  In 1991, 74 locals of the Independent Workers of North America (IWNA) voted to affiliate with the UPIU. After seven turbulent years of reorganization, including four years of disaffiliation from the AFL-CIO, the cement-industry union found a workable structure and a similar striving for union democracy in the UPIU.

The IWNA affiliation was a large step with a variety of risks. The over 7,500 workers had seen their leaders’ trust violated by another AFL-CIO union, one with a top-down style of leadership. They had seen promises broken and coordinated bargaining fall victim to internal union politics. The UPIU, in turn, would have to broaden its identity from that of a single-industry union to make the move a success.

When 130 delegates gathered for what would be the final IWNA convention in February 1991, they brought along the memories of their struggle for accountable leadership. They also brought the results of balloting and discussions on affiliation around the country by each of their locals.

Taking the extra time to emphasize the drama of the decision, and the fact it was rooted in these rank-and-file discussions, delegates chose to conduct a roll-call vote. When all the votes were recorded, the IWNA chose representation with the UPIU by a 92 percent margin. Seventy locals became part of the UPIU, and four major locals at Lehigh-Portland Cement Company voted to affiliate several months later in Board-conducted elections.

The IWNA unions primarily represented workers involved in the manufacture of building materials and mining. The majority of IWNA unions had roots in the United Cement, Lime, Gypsum, and Allied Workers (CLGAW), which was reorganized as a division of the Boilermakers in April 1984. The IWNA was formed when cement, lime, mining, and gypsum locals began to leave the Boilermakers after that union’s August 1986 convention when dissention occurred within the Boilermakers’ leadership.

Setting up offices in Chicago, the Independent Workers adopted the eagle as a symbol and convinced most cement locals to abandon the Boilermakers. Regional offices were set up in eastern Pennsylvania, Georgia, Alabama, and southern California.

Despite the problems, the cement workers short-lived marriage to the Boilermakers had its successes. An in-plant strategy known as the Solidarity and Unity Program was developed and played a role in reviving locals which were decimated by the recession of 1981-82. The program was generally credited with helping the unions “hold the line” in the summer of 1984, when 70 percent of cement workers nationally were without a contract or under company-implemented contracts.

There were numerous threads of similarity in the cement unions and the UPIU. Both unions grew rapidly during the Great Depression. Both placed a strong emphasis on open decision-making, and both traditionally had high-wage bases, developed through pattern agreements within respective industries.

Both unions began the use of in-plant strategies as a response to company-imposed concessionary bargaining in the 1980s. The cement unions found the limits of in-plant strategy in the 1984-87 contract struggles, attempting to use it as a blunt, industry-wide instrument. The industry, in turn, refused to give an inch because that would acknowledge the power of the production slowdown as a virtual strike.

The affiliation agreement signed by the IWNA and the UPIU leadership in 1991 specified that IWNA locals would remain as formerly constituted.

AIW HISTORY >  The Allied Industrial Workers of America (AIW) was chartered by the American Federation of Labor (AFL) as the United Auto Workers on August 26, 1935, to organize auto industry workers in the bitterly anti-union days of the Great Depression.

The charter was one of the first issued to an American union to organize on an industrial basis. The old AFL, which was founded in 1881, had traditionally organized unions only on a craft basis—electricians in one union, plumbers in another, machinists in their own craft union. Before 1935, the one exception to this rule was the United Mine Workers union. William Green, then President of the AFL, recognized that organizing on a craft basis would not be effective in large industrial plants.

With the enactment of the National Labor Relations Act in 1935, millions of industrial workers sought to organize their own union.

On August 26 of that year, just eight weeks after President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the National Labor Relations Act into law, the AFL’s Green called the first convention of the UAW-AFL in Detroit, Michigan. Some 250 delegates from auto plants throughout the country attended. Over the objections of auto industry workers who sought an open election of officers, Green appointed Francis Dillon, an AFL representative, president of the UAW, and Homer Martin as vice president.

Martin immediately began visiting various strongholds of auto industry workers—already organized in UAW locals—and urged support for the democratic election of officers directly from auto-related plants. The AFL finally agreed in April 1936 to call a convention in South Bend, Indiana, to allow UAW members to elect their own officers. The delegates promptly elected Martin as their union’s first elected president.

Homer Martin was just what the UAW needed at the time. A spellbinding speaker, he was an outstanding organizer. At the time he took over as president of the UAW, the union had approximately 24,000 dues-paying members. Sparked by dramatic industrial actions, such as sit-down strikes, 1937 proved to be a year of fabulous growth. In February of that year, membership of the union stood at 88,000. But by October, dues-paying membership soared to 400,000.

In the midst of this unprecedented union growth, brewing factionalism was seeping into the burgeoning AFL, factionalism that would soon have a profound effect on the auto workers’ union. In 1936, John L. Lewis, president of the Mine Workers, formed the Committee for Industrial Organizations (CIO). Most of the industrial unions within the AFL immediately joined the CIO. In September of that year, the AFL suspended all of the unions associated with the CIO.

By the end of 1937, when efforts to resolve the differences between the AFL and CIO failed, the CIO changed its name to the Congress of Industrial Organizations and formally broke from the AFL. Meanwhile, a split was also growing imminent within the UAW. The rift culminated in 1939 when the larger, Detroit area local unions decided to stay with the CIO under the new leadership of Lewis. The Homer Martin faction, carrying the original UAW charter but with fewer members, re-elected the fiery former preacher as president and continued as the UAW-AFL, the predecessor of the AIW.

The AFL restored the original charter to the union, and promised that it would be “an autonomous industrial union” with complete jurisdiction in auto plants, auto parts plants, and in aircraft and farm implement industries. Such a pronouncement by the AFL was seen as a major change of  federation policy.

This meant that from 1939 to 1955 – the year the AFL and CIO merged – there were two United Auto Workers unions. Shortly following the AFL and CIO merger convention in December 1955, the UAW-AFL changed its name to the Allied Industrial Workers of America.

Some 12 years earlier, the union moved its headquarters from Detroit to Milwaukee. In 1955, the union moved again, this time to Los Angeles. But the West Coast headquarters lasted only four years following action by the AIW convention in 1957 calling for a return to the Midwest. In 1959, the union built a new headquarters building on the southwest side of Milwaukee that was to serve the AIW until the UPIU merger in 1994.

Throughout the 1980s, the AIW slowly lost membership as more and more industrial companies moved their plants from the union’s stronghold areas to rural areas of the South or to Third World countries. The AIW also lost membership due to technological change. By the early 1990s, the AIW’s membership had declined by 50 percent from its 1975 figure of 100,000 members.

Nick Serraglio, who had served as the union’s secretary-treasurer for two years and as a vice president and regional director in Cleveland for 18 years, was elected president in 1991. He immediately began seeking a larger, stronger union with more resources to merge with the Milwaukee union. Delegates to the 1991 convention had instructed the AIW’s executive board to seek a merger partner.

An AIW merger committee headed by Serraglio reached agreement with the UPIU board in the first quarter of 1993. The AIW executive board approved the merger unanimously, and delegates to the AIW’s 29th Constitutional Convention in Minneapolis, Minnesota on September 20, 1993, ratified the merger by a 302-35 vote. The merger became effective on January 1, 1994.

 

OCAW HISTORY >  OCAW was formed on March 4, 1955, when merger occurred between the Oil Workers International Union and the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers of America. There were three main historical themes or struggles that stood out in the histories of the two predecessor unions which eventually merged to form the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union.  The first was the struggle for an industrial union; the second was the struggle for a national union; and the third was the struggle for a democratic organization.  These struggles were long and hard fought, sometimes life and death battles, which involved tremendous sacrifices on the part of our union brothers and sisters. The timeline below shows significant events in OCAW’s history.

1899 The International Brotherhood of Oil and Gas Well Workers was formed in the oil fields in Ohio and spread to Pennsylvania and California. It was forced out of existence by Standard Oil.

1905 The AFL chartered the Guffey Oil and Gas Well Workers Local in Beaumont, Texas and they led the first large scale, successful strike in the oil industry. Unions fought for wage increases, but not for recognition.
1913 The miners of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, owned by John Rockefeller, struck for recognition, an 8-hour day, and a 10% raise. They were evicted from company-owned shacks and lived in a tent colony for the winter. In 1914, Rockefeller-controlled militia swept through the camps, killing 33 and injuring 100 people. This event ushered in an era of company unionism first in oil, then in other industries.

1918 The AFL chartered the International Association of Oil Field, Gas Well and Refinery Workers of America.

1933 The United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers was founded and became a part of the United Mine Workers District 50 in 1935.

1935 The President of the International Association of Oil Field Workers helped organized the CIO and the union was expelled from the AFL in 1936.

1936 The CIO chartered the International Association of Oil Field, Gas Well and Refinery Workers of America.

1936 A reform caucus of the Oil Field, Gas Well and Refinery Workers created a rank-and-file Executive Board.

1937 The union changed its name to the Oil Workers International Union.

1942 The CIO chartered the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers Union as a separate union.

1945 First nationwide strike of the OWIU. The OWIU gained leadership within the industry in terms of setting the pattern on wages, hours, and working conditions.

1948 Oil Workers International Union charters first Canadian local union in Clarkson, Ontario.

1955 The Oil Workers International Union and the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers Union merged to form the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union.

1956 OCAW’s first convention.

1965 Oil bargaining policy program established common termination dates. It took four years to get 400 oil industry contracts lined up on the common date.

1967 OCAW passes convention resolution on need for community/labor coalitions. Such coalitions were instrumental in helping secure passage of OSHA.

1969 Second nationwide strike in the oil industry over non-contributory pensions.

1970 Occupational Safety and Health Act passed. OCAW’s role in the early days of OSHA established the union as a strong advocate for worker health and safety.

1973 Nationwide strike and boycott of Shell Oil over health and safety. First major corporate campaign in U.S. labor history.

1974 Karen Silkwood, OCAW member, killed. Silkwood attempted to expose health and safety violations at the Cimarron Kerr-McGee facility.

1980 Third nationwide strike in the oil industry.

1980 Canadian OCAW membership establishes its own union, the Energy and Chemical Workers Union of Canada.

1984 BASF lockout at Geismar begins. Is 8th BASF lockout in a decade.

1987 OCAW receives a five-year multi-million dollar grant to develop a model health and safety training program for workers.

1989 Longest lockout in U.S. labor history ends after 51/2 years at BASF/ Geismar, Louisiana. Three-year agreement ratified.

1989 OCAW and Physicians for a National Health Program join forces to agitate for a single-payer national health plan for all Americans. OCAW/PNHP activity helps shape and sharpen the debate on the issue.

1991 OCAW convention passes resolution calling for “A New Social, Political, and Economic Agenda” which sets goals for the 1990s, including national health care, a Labor Party alternative, environmental protection, a Superfund for Workers, and international trade unionism.

1992 American Home Products settles with OCAW over plant closing at Elkhart; pays $24 million to avoid trial.

1993 National Women’s Conference held.

1994 OCAW Convention passes Resolution on Organizing and undertakes to fund, develop, and implement a successful program.

1995 AFL-CIO undergoes rare leadership contest and elects new President; OCAW regains seat on Executive Council.

1996 Founding Convention for U.S. Labor Party held in Cleveland, Ohio.

1997 Negotiation of National Oil Bargaining extension settlement with enforceable successorship language.

1998 Executive Board of OCAW and UPIU vote to proceed to merger convention.

 

UPIU HISTORY >  Ever since a small group of Paperworkers organized the first local in 1884 in Holyoke, Massachusetts, the history of unionism in the paper industry was one of growth and expansion. The first locals began in New England, but at the time of the merger to form PACE, UPIU had members across the United States and Canada. Originally, union membership was concentrated among skilled workers, but membership grew across the paper industry as well as many other industries. Unions in the paper industry have consistently sought to broaden their horizons. From small beginnings, the UPIU and its predecessor organizations built a union of 250,000 members.

Paperworkers have one of the longest organizing traditions in American history, with the first efforts dating back to 1765. Prior to the 1930s, however, there were no federal laws to protect union supporters from being fired, and those who supported organizing efforts often risked losing their livelihood. Despite these risks, many local unions were formed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These eventually coalesced into two organizations: the International Brotherhood of Papermakers, representing skilled members on the paper machines; and the International Brotherhood of Pulp, Sulphite, and Paper Mill Workers, representing skilled, semi-skilled, and non-skilled members in the mills.

UPIU members owed a great deal to their predecessors who were willing to risk all in the battle to establish a strong union in the paper industry. Time and time again, American employers bitterly resisted workers’ efforts to improve their conditions. In 1912, most employers fought workers’ attempts to secure the eight-hour working day. In the 1920s, paperworkers endured a five-year long strike at International Paper Company which saw union supporters evicted from their homes, guns erected on mill property, and strikers shot by company guards.

Workers’ desire for unionism was finally rewarded in the 1930s when the federal government, for the first time, recognized the right to form and organize unions. With federal protection now in place, union membership in the paper industry took off. During the 1930s, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) established its own organizing committee for paperworkers which became the United Paperworkers of America a few years later. Becoming firmly established in the 1930s and 1940s, paper unions negotiated wage improvements and many of the benefits that UPIU members enjoyed. Since the 1930s, union pressure helped to establish paperworkers as some of the most highly paid manufacturing workers in the entire United States. In 1957, after the merger of the AFL and the CIO united the house of labor, the CIO Paperworkers merged with the Papermakers to form the United Papermakers and Paperworkers (UPP). Then, in 1972, the UPP merged with the Pulp and Sulphite Workers to form the UPIU.

In recent years, UPIU confronted new challenges. In the 1980s, for example, the union faced determined employer opposition and bitter strikes as corporations pressed to force  concessions from the UPIU members. The union, however, met all challenges head on, and increasingly recognized the need for all workers to stand together. UPIU continued to diversify its membership base, joining with other unions in a drive to build a more powerful union. In 1991, the UPIU welcomed 74 locals of the Independent Workers of North America (IWNA) into its fold. The IWNA affiliation brought in over 7,500 new members in the cement and kaolin industries. In January 1994, the UPIU merged with the Allied Industrial Workers, gaining members in automotive parts and a wide variety of related industries.

Throughout its history, workers in the UPIU and its predecessor organizations fought and sacrificed to build a large, successful union. They battled against determined corporate resistance to maintain a decent standard of living. The UPIU members’ spirit is captured by Leonard Wensel, a member from Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, who participated in the bitter 1987-88 strike against International Paper Company:

“I am union. I was forged with the sweat of many people. I was born to provide strength and protection for workers worldwide and I am dedicated to the goals of fair treatment for workers throughout the world and advance the goals of freedom everywhere. The blood of many members flows through my veins. I am thousands of people striving for better working conditions … I can be found in small villages and large towns in countries all over the world. I am black, white, red and yellow and every color in between. I am a Catholic, a Protestant, a Jew, a Christian and many other religions … I am the spirit of the world. I was the spirit that would not die during the confrontations with companies in the ‘20s and ‘30s. I am the spirit that small unions spread and developed into large unions and then into international unions. I am the spirit that still leads people to run for union offices … I have made my mark on time by standing with the leaders of the earliest of unions and with the newest of locals. I am a union member building my country. Be proud, be great and know that I am you, a union member.”

PACE HISTORY >  After two years of serious negotiations between the United Paperworkers Intl. Union (UPIU) and the Oil, Chemical & Atomic Workers Intl. Union (OCAW), delegates to both unions’ merger conventions approved the formation of the Paper, Allied-Industrial, Chemical and Energy Workers Intl. Union (PACE) on January 4, 1999. This merger capped discussions about joining forces that began in 1979.

The desire to merge sprang from  the realization by both organizations that with greater resources, they could organize more workers and represent their members better in an age of corporate mergers and global competition.

PACE represents 275,000 workers in the pulp, paper, automobile parts, appliance manufacturing, cement, kaolin, oil, chemical, nuclear materials, and pharmaceutical industries. Other sectors include health care, aviation, natural gas distribution, and mining. It is the fourth largest industrial union.

The union has 1,500 locals in the U.S. and Canada, and is structured into 11 regions. Governing the union between conventions is the international union executive board that consists of the elected international officers.

Delegates to the PACE constitutional convention held every four years elect the international union president, executive vice president, secretary, and treasurer by a majority vote. Convention delegates from each region form regional caucuses to elect the vice presidents and rank-and-file advisory board members from that region. The rank-and-file advisory board expresses the concerns of the membership to the international executive board.

USWA - USW >

The United Steel, Paper and Forestry, Rubber, Manufacturing, Energy, Allied Industrial and Service Workers International Union (United Steelworkers or USW) is the largest industrial labor union in North America, with 705,000 members.[1] Headquartered in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the United Steelworkers represents workers in the United States, Canada and the Caribbean. The United Steelworkers represent workers in a diverse range of industries, including primary and fabricated metals, chemicals, glass, rubber, heavy-duty conveyor belting, tires, transportation, utilities, container industries, pharmaceuticals, call centers and health care.

The United Steelworkers is currently affiliated with the American Federation of Labor - Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) as well as several international union federations. On July 2, 2008, the United Steelworkers signed an agreement to merge with the United Kingdom and Ireland based union, Unite, to form a new global union entity called Workers Uniting.

The current International President of the United Steelworkers is Leo Gerard, who has served as president since 2001.

Early attempts to organize steelworkers encountered resistance, even violence. An example is the Homestead Strike. In 1889, after a strike at a mill in Homestead, Pennsylvania, the Carnegie Steel Company signed a contract with the workers. Three years later, however, the mill cut wages, triggering another strike. Management sent in 300 Pinkerton detectives to break the strike, resulting in a pitched battle on July 6, 1892, that left 10 dead and many wounded. Eventually, strikebreakers, backed by state militia, broke the strike, eliminating the early union from its mills.

The USWA was established May 22, 1942, by a convention of representatives from the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers and the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, after almost six years of divisive struggles to create a new union of steelworkers. The drive to create this union included such violent incidents as the infamous Memorial Day, 1937, when Chicago policemen supporting the rival American Federation of Labor (AFL) fired on workers outside a Republic Steel mill and killed 10 men.

The founder and first president of the USWA, Philip Murray, led the union through its first organizing drives and dangerous first decade, when the workers of USWA went on strike several times to win concessions such as the right to bargain collectively with steel companies, higher wages, and paid vacations.

The 46,000 members of the Aluminum Workers of America voted to merge with the budding steelworker union that was the USW in June 1944. Eventually, eight more unions joined the USW as well: the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers (1967); the United Stone and Allied Product Workers of America (1971); District 50, the Allied and Technical Workers of America (1972); the Upholsterers International Union of North America (1985); the United Rubber, Cork, Linoleum & Plastic Workers of America (URW) (1995); the Aluminum, Brick and Glass Workers Union (ABG) (1996); the Canadian Division of the Transportation Communications International Union (1999); and the American Flint Glass Workers Union (AFGWU) (2003).

In June 2004, the USWA announced a merger with the 57,000 member Industrial, Wood and Allied Workers of Canada (IWA Canada), a major Canadian forestry workers union. Then in 2005, it announced an even larger merger with the Paper, Allied-Industrial, Chemical and Energy Workers International Union (PACE). The resulting new union adopted its current name after the PACE merger.

In September 2006, the Independent Oil Workers Union of Aruba, which represents refinery workers on the Caribbean island of Aruba, affiliated with the United Steelworkers, becoming the first USW union local outside of the U.S. (including Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands) and Canada.[2]

In April 2007, the USW also merged with the Independent Steelworkers Union, adding 1,150 members at Arcelor-Mittal's Weirton, West Virginia steel mill.[3]

In addition to mergers, the USW has also formed strategic alliances with several other unions as well as other groups. In April 2005, the USW and the Alliance of Canadian Cinema, Television and Radio Artists (ACTRA) announced that they had formed a strategic alliance to take on the globalization of the culture industry and to address a range of common issues.[4] In July 2006, the USW announced a similar arrangement with the United Transportation Union (UTU), to address common issues in the transportation industry, including the globalization of the industry.[5] In July 2007, the USW inked yet another strategic alliance with the Canadian Region of the Communications Workers of America .[6]

Beyond its affiliations with other unions, in June 2006, the USW announced the formation of a 'Blue-Green Alliance' with the Sierra Club, which is the largest grassroots environmental organization in the United States. The goal of this new partnership is to pursue a joint public policy agenda reconciling workers' need for good jobs with all people's need for a cleaner environment and safer world.[7]

In October 2009, the USW announced a framework for collaboration between US and Canadian Steelworkers with Mondragon Internacional, S.A., the world's largest federation of worker cooperatives.[8]

In early April 2007, the BBC announced that Amicus, then the United Kingdom's second-largest trade union, was to begin discussions with the USW about a possible merger.[9] Amicus subsequently merged with the British Transport and General Workers Union to form the new union Unite. Unite and the USW continued the merger talks initiated by Amicus.

In May 2008, the unions announced that they were putting the "finishing touches" on the merger, that the merger had been endorsed by Unite officials, and that the USW would discuss the plan at its forthcoming convention in July. Once completed, the new merged entity would represent more than 3 million workers in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Ireland and the Caribbean. The unions have further announced that the new entity would target further mergers with labor groups in Australia and in the emerging economies of Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe.[10] On July 2, 2008, USW and Unite leadership formally signed the merger agreement to create the new entity, to be called Workers Uniting.[11]

The merger creates the first transoceanic trade union since the 1930s (when the IWW was the largest international trade union), and also creates one of the world's largest trade unions. The purpose of the merger is to globalize the labor movement in the era of multinational corporations.

In April 2005, USW President Leo Gerard announced that the newly-merged USW's top political objective for the 2006 United States House of Representatives elections would be the ouster of Representative Tom DeLay. DeLay later announced in April 2006, that he would not run for reelection.

In the subsequent 2006 election, the USW led a massive political mobilization program that eventually grew to include 350 full-time political organizers in 26 states, a majority of whom were rank and file USW members who took time from work to organize their communities and educate fellow union members. The USW turned out some 5,000 USW volunteers on Election Day, including over 1,000 each in the key states of Pennsylvania and Ohio. Exit polls suggested union families made up 23 percent of the total vote and supported Democratic candidates by a substantial 32 percent margin, 65 percent to 33 percent. Based on these numbers, the United Steelworkers, in conjunction with the rest of the labor movement, took substantial credit for the eventual Democratic victory.[12]

 

In May 2008, the USW announced its endorsement of Barack Obama's presidential campaign for president by way of Sen. John Edwards' endorsement.[13]

The USW has contributed to various charitable and philanthropic causes since its creation. The USW has enthusiastically supported The Institutes for the Achievement of Human Potential (IAHP), a nonprofit organization that works with brain-injured children. The USW has hosted the IAHP's founder, Glenn Doman, at their annual convention.[14] The USW has also held fundraising events for the Make-A-Wish Foundation and the Roswell Park Cancer Institute. The USW has consistently stated that such charitable causes are important to its mission.


AN INTENSE LABOR TIMELINE.  (Coming soon)

DID THEY TEACH THE RIGHT STUFF IN SCHOOL HISTORY? (Coming soon)


NOTES
:

^ a b [1] Office of Labor-Management Standards. Employment Standards Administration. U.S. Department of Labor. Form LM-2 labor Organization Annual Report. United Steelworkers of America. File Number: 000-094. Dated March 31, 2009.
^ USW@Work, Volume 1/5, p. 27 (Fall 2006).
^ One Strong Voice: USW, Weirton Independent Union Sign Merger Agreement, USW, April 2007[dead link].
^ ACTRA and USW Renew Vows
^ United Transportation Union Signs Strategic Alliance with United Steelworkers (July 2006)
^ Steelworkers and Communications Workers Sign Strategic Alliance, USW, July 17, 2007.
^ Sierra Club, United Steelworkers Announce ‘Blue-Green Alliance’ (June 2006)
^ USW Site announcement of USW-Mondragon Collaboration October 2009
^ BBC announces start of discussions with UK trade union Amicus (April 2007)
^ Bill Toland, "USW, Brits near creation of 'super' union," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, May 28, 2008.
^ Steven Greenhouse, "Steelworkers Merge With British Union," New York Times, July 3, 2008.
^ Press Release: "Unprecedented USW Voter Turnout Effort Highlighted Trade and Economy," November 8, 2006.
^ Press Release: "United Steelworkers Endorse Senator Barack Obama for President," May 15, 2008.
^ Guzda, Henry P. (1992). "United Steelworkers of America: 26th convention". Monthly Labor Review. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1153/is_n12_v115/ai_13353405/pg_3.